Prof Jide Osunt
By Valentine Obienyem
Thoroughbred historians, like philosophers, possess unparalleled insight into the condition of humanity worldwide.
This insight is evident in the writings of the distinguished professor of history, Jide Osuntokun. Unlike some dreary scholastic historians with a restricted audience or certain writers and analysts who glorify subjectivity, the professor writes objectively, serenely, and lucidly.
The insights of writers like Osuntokun are especially vital today for Nigeria, a nation that appears to be groping in the dark.
Analysing Nigeria’s current state, one might arrive at a preposterous conclusion: “The country is tethered to chaos.”
When a country like ours threatens to slide into chaos, voices like Professor Osuntokun’s often become restless in their calls for order and a thorough re-examination of the polity.
This is precisely what the professor attempted in his article, published in The Comet of Thursday, February 5, 2004, titled, Ojukwu and Danjuma: Two of a Kind.
The said article is not a treatise on Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu or General Theophilus Danjuma (rtd.) but rather a critique of what he perceives – rightly or wrongly – as the unhealthy fragmentation of Igbo politics, driven by greed, which could lead to the extinction of the Igbo people if corrective action is not taken by heeding voices of reason.
Infuriated by what he considered the professor’s unusual approach, my friend, a legal practitioner, called to inform me about the article. “Val,” he said, “our man has derailed. He has written unusually.”
Upon further prompting, he urged me to read the professor’s article. Out of curiosity, I asked about its subject and whether the professor had been subjective.
Respectfully, my friend refrained from associating subjectivity with the professor.
Instead, he remarked, “It was an uninformed article.”
Annoyingly, he concluded, “Why do some writers enjoy the self-assigned mission of feigned concern for the plight of the Igbo?
Not that we do not appreciate genuine concern, for we are not an island apart from the river.
Anyone showing concern – genuine or pretended – should at least demonstrate a proper understanding of the root causes of the problem. I resent a situation where people’s relationship with the problem becomes like Rufus’s obsession with Naevia. Rufus thinks of nothing else, talks of nothing else, and if Naevia did not exist, Rufus would be dumb.”
After thoroughly reading the article, I came to understand my friend’s perspective.
Consider one of Osuntokun’s lines, presumably derived from Dim Chukwuemeka Ojukwu’s comments: “I have often wondered why illiterate contractors and traders are now the heroes of Igboland.”
This assessment is unfair. Since this crisis began, I am certain the professor has read articles by Igbo writers and the general opinions of the Igbo populace.
The consensus is that figures like the Offors, the Ezes, the Ubahs, the Nnamanis, the Ozichukwus, and the Nzeribes are primarily known for their nuisance value- this is the crux of Ojukwu’s submission in the interview the professor referenced.
The truth is that we consistently hear echoes from the presidency, which aims to destabilise Igboland through such individuals.
Yet, amidst this turmoil, the voices of leaders like Ojukwu, Ekwueme, Egwu, Anyaoku, and Chukwumerije resonate more profoundly.
These voices continually urge us to view the current crisis in Igboland as a passing gale.
The professor’s assertion that Westerners, unlike Easterners, are free from the influence of “money-missed-road” individuals is debatable.
In a democracy, elections are one way of choosing leaders. Though the Westerners have figures like Adesanya leading without elective positions, elected officials still wield influence over the people.
To claim that the West is currently led by its authentic leaders is to suggest that the last elections were free, fair, and reflective of the people’s choices.
However, the same flawed processes that produced leaders in Igboland also birthed the current officeholders in the West.
The professor acknowledges this when he states, “The new crops in the South West that have rigged themselves into power represent no one but themselves.”
Regarding the “love of money” among the Igbo and their alleged disdain for education, these are tired accusations.
The narrative that Igbo people prioritise wealth over education is unfounded. Statistics from JAMB (Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board) repeatedly show that states like Imo, Anambra, and Delta consistently lead in the number of applicants, year after year.
In the 2003/2004 JAMB results, three of the top four candidates were Igbo.
Despite systemic constraints, the Igbo continue to excel. If admission were purely merit-based, Igbo students would dominate many universities in the West.
All Igbo states, except Ebonyi, have federal universities, and they all boast state universities as well.
Additionally, private universities and numerous other institutions are flourishing in the region.
None of these institutions has reported a lack of candidates.
If the story about an Igbo female matriculating student who desires to marry an Alaba trader is true, the professor should remember that many of these traders are graduates.
It takes intelligence and entrepreneurial skill to thrive in their line of business.
Similarly, one cannot dismiss Yoruba taxi drivers as unworthy of marrying Yoruba graduates simply because of their profession.
In conclusion, Osuntokun’s article, while flawed, offers an opportunity to dispel misconceptions about the Igbo.
The best way to write history is to do so both lineally and synthetically, capturing the interplay of events and their causes and effects.
The passive cause of Igbo problems is the presidency, acting through active agents like the Ubahs.
The effect is the attempt to destabilise the Igbo people – a passing gale that we must view as transient.
Beyond the gale, quieter yet inspiring achievements abound: Emeagwali excelling in computing, Nnaji achieving scientific breakthroughs, Anyaoku demonstrating diplomatic finesse, Ojukwu showcasing statesmanship, Ilodibe sustaining transportation, and Maduka expanding industrial bases.
What more can one expect from the Igbo?
..First published in 2004.
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